A guest post by Deane Jessup:
1. Introduction
1.1. My name is Deane Walden Jessep. I am a sixth-generation New Zealander—colloquially, a Kiwi. While myself and my family have some Māori ancestry in our family background, we identify as a New Zealander’s first and foremost, without distinguishing Māori heritage as central to who we are.
1.2. I am making this submission in support of the Principles of the Treaty of Waitangi Bill. I believe this Bill will promote greater clarity and consistency in how Treaty principles are understood and applied in legislation.
2. Personal Context
2.1. I recognize and value the oral histories and Māori concepts that inform parts of our shared New Zealand identity. In my own whaikōrero, I connect through my whakapapa to my ancestors including and especially those who were born in New Zealand. However, I view all my New Zealand-born ancestors as tangata whenua—people of the land—regardless of whether their heritage is Polynesian, European, or otherwise. This inclusive perspective is part of what makes me a proud Kiwi.
2.2. My own Māori ancestry does not shape my daily life more than any other part of my cultural background. I consider myself equally a descendant of all the people who established themselves here, creating the rich and diverse heritage we now share as New Zealanders.
2.3. In my family, we have not been involved in Treaty settlement processes. We respect the settlement of historical injustices but believe the ongoing expansion of Treaty-based claims—including newer concepts—risks prolonging grievances rather than bringing about harmony.
3. Support for Clarity and Definitions
3.1. I support this Bill primarily because it codifies the principles of the Treaty of Waitangi in a way that reduces ambiguity. Currently, the meaning of “Treaty principles” can vary across different contexts, court decisions, and Waitangi Tribunal findings, which leads to confusion.
3.2. By clearly articulating the principles—particularly the concepts of Crown sovereignty, recognition of relevant hapū and iwi rights (where these differ from those of any other New Zealander and have been confirmed through the settlement process), and equality before the law—this Bill will help New Zealanders share a common understanding of what “Treaty principles” mean in legislation.
3.3. Clarity looks like an agreed definition. I am satisfied with the text of the Bill as introduced, while remaining open to any further refinements through proper consultation and select committee processes. The referendum mechanism also ensures a national dialogue and robust debate on these definitions.
4. Perspective on Equality and Treaty Rights
4.1. I strongly believe in universal equality of opportunity. This contrasts with the concept of “equality of outcome” or the idea that only one group can be racist based on perceived “privilege.” Such redefinitions—often derived from overseas discourses like the BLM movement in the U.S.—complicate our local discussions. We risk talking past each other if we do not first settle on shared definitions. This Bill is an important step in establishing our own local and shared meanings—something that can help insulate us from the effects of social media driving international discourse into our local context.
4.2. I do not believe modern Māori should hold additional or special rights beyond those of any other New Zealander, except where those rights are explicitly set out in Treaty settlements for historical breaches. In that sense, Principle 2(2) of the Bill strikes a reasonable compromise: it respects existing settlement outcomes, while recognising that we are all subject to the same fundamental rights.
4.3. Equality before the law (Principle 3) is a crucial part of who we are as a country. It should be stated and affirmed in legislation to protect everyone’s rights and ensure no group is unfairly advantaged or disadvantaged based on heritage alone.
5. Importance of the Referendum Requirement
5.1. I support the referendum mechanism in the Bill. Having a public vote ensures that these crucial constitutional principles are not decided behind closed doors but are instead agreed upon by the majority of New Zealanders. This not only underpins the legitimacy of the legislation but also creates an opportunity for a wide-ranging, inclusive discussion about what the Treaty means to us all, in the 21st century.
5.2. I believe many New Zealanders, including Māori, share a desire for clarity, fairness, and an end to protracted disputes. A referendum would be an excellent vehicle for allowing every citizen—regardless of background—to participate in defining our shared future.
6. A Vision for New Zealand
6.1. By supporting this Bill, I hope to foster harmony and mutual growth for all New Zealanders. We should honour historical injustices through settlements but draw a line under them once they are resolved, so that all future generations can move forward with a sense of unity, equality, and understanding.
6.2. In doing so, I believe our country can avoid the polarizing importation of foreign identity politics. We can clarify our uniquely New Zealand concepts of rangatiratanga, sovereignty, and partnership in a way that feels inclusive and fair to everyone who calls New Zealand home.
7. Conclusion
7.1. In closing, I fully support the Bill’s aim to define the principles of the Treaty of Waitangi in legislation. Adopting clear, mutually understood definitions—and allowing the people of New Zealand to affirm them via referendum—will strengthen our social cohesion, uphold equality before the law, and allow us to acknowledge historical settlements while setting a fair path forward for all.
7.2. I encourage the Select Committee to further refine Principle 2(2) if needed but otherwise endorse the Bill’s framework. I look forward to seeing other submissions, including those who may disagree, as open dialogue is essential to forging a stable consensus.7.3. Thank you for considering my submission. Please feel free to contact me if you have any questions or would like further clarification.
