Dissent. Uprisings. Rebellion. Scraps. Blood.
It was something Helen Clark kept a careful lid on.
Not even on her weakest day or in a moment of madness would Clark have given up control of who picks the leader of the proud Labour Party – never, ever.
Caucus must control its own destiny.
What happened last Saturday would never have happened under Clark’s strong leadership. Now the Labour leader can get rolled and rolled easily.
If a minority of 13 other MPs out of 34 decide to support Grant Robertson or David Cunliffe next February, then that triggers a party wide vote.
Actually I think it is even worse than that. I have not seen the final rule, but I don’t think a contender even needs to challenge. The vote is basically just a confidence vote in the Leader. Someone could just quietly encourage 14 MPs to vote no, and bang there is a leadership ballot – and only then do contenders have t step forward.
During that vote, party members get a 40 percent say and unions get a 20 percent say. You reckon they’ll hang on to David Shearer in that scenario? Doubt it. And it’s like that every three years.
If Shearer lost the Feb caucus vote, I don’t think he would even contest the party wide ballot. He’d be impotent in Parliament while he has to fight a rearguard action to stay on as Leader. I think he would bow out.
The February following each election, Labour will be able to boot out their sitting leader – that leader may have just months earlier been crowned Prime Minister.
So when you vote for Labour, you don’t know who you will end up with as PM.
It’s a recipe for instability. Quite frankly it’s a disaster, a train-wreck waiting to happen. …
If the 40 percent caucus vote and 40 percent party member vote cancels each other out – i.e the caucus wants a change but the party members don’t, then guess who has the casting vote?
The unions. They get 20 percent.
Could the unions select the next Prime Minister? Yes. Could they dump a sitting Prime Minister just two or three months after they took office?Yes.
By this move, Labour have become even more subservient to the unions.
And now Fran O’Sullivan:
Four days on from Cunliffe’s execution, there is little sign that Shearer is on top of his game.
His post-caucus press conference was a bumbling, mumbling mess which at times bordered on total incoherency.
It was a shocker.
It does not bode well for Labour to have its own leader so frightened of his own shadow that he has to banish one of his few competent colleagues to the back bench.
Unfortunately, Shearer was also simply not politically tough enough, nor sufficiently competent and astute, to have pulled off the accommodation that Australian Liberal Leader Tony Abbott made with potential rival Malcolm Turnbull this week to position his party to win the next Australian federal election.
I blogged on this yesterday. A much smarter way to handle a more popular rival.
In Shearer’s case he does not have the skill to bring off an accommodation with Cunliffe. (Though in months to come he may wish he had gone down that path instead of listening to the caucus players who want the New Lynn MP buried at all costs).
The old guard remain in charge.
And John Armstrong pulls no punches:
Barmy, loopy, stupid, crazy. Last weekend’s Labour Party conference had so much political madness on and off the conference floor that the proceedings could well have been deemed certifiable.
The handful of MPs who tried to talk sense into delegates may agree – particularly on the vexed question of how high to set the bar before a leadership ballot involving the whole party membership is triggered.
The MPs’ advice was not only ignored, they were shouted down. The rank-and-file saw things very differently. The rewrite of the party’s constitution was giving them a rare whiff of grass-roots democracy. They were not about to say “no thanks” even if their votes were being manipulated for nefarious reasons.
All I’ll say is I can’t see National rushing off to make similar changes.
I guess in Labour the desire for more of a say is understandable, as members have traditionally only a very weak say in even electorate selections.
From now on, the leader will be subject to a post-election endorsement vote by the caucus which must take place no later than three months after polling day.
Failure by a leader to secure more than 60 per cent backing from his or her colleagues will trigger a leadership vote involving the whole party.
The upshot is National will spend the election campaign delightedly claiming the Labour leader cannot guarantee he or she will still be in charge three months after the election.
Moreover, the new method of electing the leader gives a slice of the action to affiliated trade unions. You can imagine how National will exploit that.
I actually the the principle of giving members a say is laudable. But giving unions 20% of the vote is not far off organised corruption (just look at the Australian unions for examples of what they do with the extra power) and having a threshold below 50% for a challenge is silly.
When they were not naively setting things up to the advantage of the old enemy, delegates occupied themselves with such pressing matters as lowering the voting age to 16 – something for which there is absolutely no demand – and ordering school boards of trustees to let same-sex couples attend school balls.
Then there was the remit requiring 50 per cent gender equality among officials on the party’s electorate committees.
When it was pointed out that most committees had three officials, the conference determined that an extra position such as an assistant treasurer could be created.
Staggering. Their solution is to create an extra unneeded role, just so there is prefect gender equality on a committee. They have effectively outlawed a committee having an add number of members!
This kind of nonsense shows that political correctness is alive and well in Labour.
It speaks of a party that is out of touch with mainstream New Zealand. And it speaks of a leader who has no control over his party.
Where was the strategy for the conference?
The other casualty of what John Key describes as the now very “public war” within Labour is the party’s ability to project unity and stability.
That is a serious handicap for Labour, which may well have to patch together some kind of governing arrangement which accommodates the reforming zeal of the Greens and the reactionary predilections of New Zealand First.
Think if they were to form a Government. They’d first have to get agreement between the internal factions in Labour, and then with the Greens, and then with NZ First and maybe then with Mana also. If another financial crisis struck, it would probably take a month to even make a decision!